Suchergebnisse

Diese Open-Access-Publikation untersucht die Akzeptanz der sächsischen Bevölkerung gegenüber Energie- und Rohstoffvorhaben sowie die Eignung von Kommunikationsmaßnahmen zur Verbesserung des Akzeptanzniveaus. Die Bürger:innen werden erstmals repräsentativ zu ihrer (In-)Akzeptanz gegenüber Anlagearten befragt. Dabei wird nachgewiesen, dass die Akzeptanz bei lokalen Projekten immer geringer ist als soziopolitisch. Bei den erneuerbaren Energieumwandlungsanlagen ist die Akzeptanz gegenüber Wasserkraft- und Solaranlagen am höchsten, gegenüber Biomasseanlagen am geringsten. Fossile Energieumwandlungsanlagen sind weniger akzeptiert und Tage- und Untertagebaue werden am schlechtesten bewertet. Eine vergleichende Befragung der Unternehmensvertreter:innen des Energie- und Rohstoffsektors ergibt eine Dissonanz der von ihnen angenommenen zur erfassten (In-)Akzeptanz der Bevölkerung: Das Akzeptanzniveau ist unabhängig von der Art des Vorhabens geringer, als es die Unternehmensvertreter:innen annehmen. Die Erkenntnisse werden genutzt, um eine Webapplikation zu entwickeln, die es insbesondere kleinen und mittleren Unternehmen ermöglicht, zur Akzeptanzsteigerung geeignete Kommunikationsmaßnahmen auszuwählen.

Stefanie Walter examines the visibility of European Union citizens in the mass mediated European public sphere and argues that it can help facilitate an exchange between decision-makers and ordinary citizens. The results show that in comparison to other actor groups, such as political parties or civil society organisations, the visibility of European Union citizens is not marginal. Yet, the image of the European Union citizenry that becomes visible via the news media remains nationally entrenched and references to a truly European citizenry are rare. The study also uses multilevel regressions to explain the visibility of European Union citizens in the news coverage. The empirical analyses are based on a large-scale content analysis of TV news and newspaper articles of the 2009 European Parliament election.

Ausgangslage: Energie- und Rohstoffwirtschaft im Spannungsfeld von gesellschaftlicher Notwendigkeit und bürgerschaftlichem Protest -- Problemstellung: Lücken interdisziplinärer Forschung und ihre Folgen für die Energie- und Rohstoffbranche -- Zielstellung und Lösungsansatz: Kommunikative Chancen für Energie- und Rohstoffakzeptanz in Sachsen -- Ergebnisse: Analyse der (In-)Akzeptanz und Ableitungen zur kommunikativen Steigerung -- Diskussion der Ergebnisse: Projektakzeptanz bedingt integrierende Kommunikation -- Literaturverzeichnis.

In recent years, the world has seen a rising backlash against globalization. This article reviews the nature, causes, and consequences of the globalization backlash. It shows that, contrary to a popular narrative, the backlash is not associated with a large swing in public opinion against globalization but is rather a result of its politicization. The increasing influence of globalization-skeptic actors has resulted in more protectionist, isolationist, and nationalist policies, some of which fundamentally threaten pillars of the contemporary international order. Both material and nonmaterial causes drive the globalization backlash, and these causes interact and mediate each other. The consequences are shaped by the responses of societal actors, national governments, and international policy makers. These responses can either yield to and reinforce the global backlash or push back against it. Understanding these dynamics will be an important task for future research.

This article examines the systemic implications of the growing popular backlash against international cooperation and analyzes how voter-endorsed attempts to withdraw from international institutions reverberate abroad. Observing other countries' disintegration experiences allows voters to better assess the feasibility and desirability of such withdrawals. More positive withdrawal experiences encourage exit-support abroad, whereas negative experiences are likely to have a deterring effect. These contagion effects will be conditioned by the availability of information and voters' willingness to learn. The article empirically examines this argument for the case of Brexit. It leverages original survey data from 58,959 EU-27 Europeans collected in six survey waves during the Brexit withdrawal negotiations and from a two-wave survey of 2,241 Swiss voters conducted around the first Brexit extension in spring 2019. It finds both encouragement and deterrence effects, which are bigger when respondents pay attention to Brexit and are dampened by motivated reasoning.

In recent years, the world has seen a rising backlash against globalization. This article reviews the nature, causes, and consequences of the globalization backlash. It shows that, contrary to a popular narrative, the backlash is not associated with a large swing in public opinion against globalization but is rather a result of its politicization. The increasing influence of globalization-skeptic actors has resulted in more protectionist, isolationist, and nationalist policies, some of which fundamentally threaten pillars of the contemporary international order. Both material and nonmaterial causes drive the globalization backlash, and these causes interact and mediate each other. The consequences are shaped by the responses of societal actors, national governments, and international policy makers. These responses can either yield to and reinforce the global backlash or push back against it. Understanding these dynamics will be an important task for future research.

AbstractAlthough there has been much interest in British public opinion on Brexit, much less is known about how EU‐27 Europeans view the Brexit negotiations. This is surprising, because Brexit confronts the EU‐27 with difficult choices. Whereas accommodating the UK carries the risk of encouraging further countriesto leave the EU, an uncompromising negotiation stance increases the economic and social costs of Brexit. Using original survey data from 39,000 respondents in all EU‐27 countries collected between the start of the Brexit negotiations and December 2018, this article shows that exposure to the economic risks of Brexit makes respondents more willing to accommodate the UK, whereas a positive opinion of the EU decreases their willingness to compromise. Moreover, many Europeans face an accommodation dilemma that moderates these preferences. Overall, the EU‐27 public unsentimentally supports a Brexit negotiation line that safeguards their own interests best.

The United Kingdom is the first country to withdraw its membership from the European Union (EU). Immigration featured high on the Brexit news agenda and EU citizens' rights to work and live in the United Kingdom are likely to be affected by the country's exit from the EU. This study analyzes how salient EU citizens were in Brexit news, and investigates whether there was a relationship between the negative portrayal of EU citizens and the type of news outlet. The analysis is based on 19,367 news stories published between June 1, 2015, and June 23, 2016. Automated content analysis was used to determine whether EU citizens were mentioned. The results do not reveal a divide between tabloids and broadsheets, but between national and regional papers. It is only in regional papers from England and Wales that EU citizens were more likely to be mentioned if the tone of a news story was more negative. The findings also suggest that the news media presented the Brexit referendum as a vote about migration in general rather than about intra-EU migration.

Intro -- Acknowledgement -- Table of Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Figures -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1. The EU and its Citizens -- 1.2. EU Citizens and the European Public Sphere -- 1.3. Aims and Research Questions -- 1.4. Structure of the Book -- 2. Citizenship, Democracy and the EU -- 2.1. The Historical Development of the Concept of Citizenship -- 2.2. Citizenship: The Underlying Concept of This Study -- 2.3. Citizenship and Political Legitimacy -- 2.4. Citizenship and the EU -- 2.5. EU Citizenship: Development of the Concept -- 2.6. EU Citizenship: The Underlying Concept of This Study -- 2.7. Conclusion -- 3. The Public Sphere -- 3.1. An Analytical Definition of the Public Sphere -- 3.2. Normative Models of the Public Sphere -- 3.2.1. Elitist Public Sphere -- 3.2.2. Liberal Public Sphere -- 3.2.3. Discursive Public Sphere -- 3.2.4. Participatory Public Sphere -- 3.3. Conclusion -- 4. The European Public Sphere -- 4.1. An Analytical Definition of the European Public Sphere -- 4.2. Extant Research on the European Public Sphere -- 4.2.1. A Pan-European European Public Sphere -- 4.2.2. The Europeanisation of National Public Spheres -- 4.2.3. Empirical Observations: Does a European Public Sphere Exist? -- 4.3. Extant Research on EU Citizens in the European Public Sphere -- 4.4. Conclusion -- 5. Research Questions -- 6. Methodology -- 6.1. Data -- 6.2. Dependent Variables -- 6.2.1. Concepts and Measurement -- 6.2.2. Operationalisations -- 7. To What Extent are EU Citizens Visible in the European Public Sphere? -- 7.1. The Visibility of EU Citizens in EU News -- 7.2. The Visibility of EU Citizens Across EU Member States -- 7.3. Conclusion -- 8. EU Citizens in the Light of Normative Public Sphere Theories -- 8.1. Aim and Research Questions -- 8.2. State of the Art -- 8.3. Research Strategy -- 8.4. Concepts, Measurement and Operationalisations.